Chandeliers Bedspread

NOTES ON CONFLICT
MAPUCHE
DEVELOPMENT AND PRESENT OF A PERMANENT WAR CC


October 2009



Brief historical review Beyond the various stages and moments that went through Mapuche people's relationship with foreigners and natives during the Conquest and the Colony, ranging from peaceful coexistence to permanent war, trade, until the division of support in the war between royalists and patriots, the origins of the current Mapuche conflict found in the attitude of the Chilean State after independence, has had to this indigenous people.

After more than 100 years of war, the "Araucanian" achieved the withdrawal of English troops in the area of \u200b\u200bArauco. Thus, in 1641, peace was agreed by the treaty of Quilín. It was recognized, then the autonomy of the nation araucana in the region between the river Bío Bío y Calle Calle, in the province of Valdivia. Thus, at one point were seen by the Creoles as brave allies, the formation of the Republic of Chile's transformed into a direct threat to their aspirations for total political control and economic resources of the area.

With Independence, a matter purely of Creoles, the idea of \u200b\u200bunifying the nation-state everything is within limits, regardless of internal differences, is the greatest need of the ruling elite from Santiago. Advanced

year, in addition to these state requirements, the administrative vacuum in the area and the arrival of European settlers, which leads directly to establish since 1866 a policy of "pacification" of the Araucania: a violent military occupation, nothing peaceful, which involved a war to 1881 (1883), impaired left almost half the total number of indigenous people, time which are annexed Mapuche territory to the Chilean State, redistributing land and resources from the winners (after the occupation, the Chilean government gave the Mapuche about three thousand titles of mercy, by which they were recognized Community is only 500 thousand hectares, representing about 5% of Mapuche ancestral territory south of the Bío Bío) relegated to communities close territories or locations that do not respect traditional lifestyles.

Well into the twentieth century, an attempt to repair the previous policy was initiated by the government of Eduardo Frei Montalba (1964-1970), which recovered 3.5 million hectares to return them. The process was accelerated by Salvador Allende, who in three years reached the Indians to return another 6.5 million hectares. The whole project was interrupted by the coup that led Augusto Pinochet.

Pinochet launched a counter-reform, part of the decree-law of division of the indigenous communities (No. 2568 and No. 2570 of 1979), which sought to eliminate totally the system of communal tenure of land (which still exists in part of territory). In the region of La Araucanía established individual ownership, delivering 72,000 gut, which, together with community-led divide its people to an impoverishment Overall, given the small area given that allows for building a viable economic unit.

With the arrival of the government coalition, the repair has been very weak relative to the magnitude of the demands of communities. Moreover, considering that all these governments have had to manage in the best way for business investment inherited neoliberal model and deepened during nearly two decades. Also, the economic potential forestry, tourism and energy araucana area has generated the consolidation of several of the most powerful conglomerates in Chile (Matte, Angelini, ENDESA), which generate further employment on the region, no other choice the sale of the labor force for industrial activities, with consequent environmental degradation in the area and widespread proletarianization.

Thus, the current item on the historical debt to the Mapuche integrates various actors: the state, national and transnational entrepreneurship, the Mapuche people, understood as a diversity of communities and not as a nation in the modern sense, that if they share a common worldview, organized, and act more or less autonomous, depending on their decisions, the Chilean, who is fighting in attitudes ranging from racism and indifference to active engagement in the struggle of some young people, and, finally, the media, divided into large conglomerates, which act as builders of a speech near the entrepreneurs and the small but diverse, independent media, active provision of information aimed at enhancing the looks of the debate and show what is left out of major communication monopolies operating in Chile.

also can identify a couple of situations that are at stake in the so-called Mapuche conflict. On the one hand, the crisis generated in the national identity concepts created by the defenses of the Chilean, as this conflict requires recognition of the false construction of Chile, through an artificial homogeneity, and to recognize their ethnic, cultural, linguistic, ie the existence of a homogenizing process as a requirement for total control of the state apparatus. Therefore, there is a jolt to the concept of identity historically founded by the Chilean State.
On the other hand, all the gestures and actions that governments have made the conclusion they are being watched closely by the national bourgeoisie and transnational economic interests in maintaining the area in question. While the Chilean government must ensure the welfare of all Chileans, it is undeniable the influence of economic power over it, an equation that integrates macroeconomic indicators, levels of investment and ensuring security and order the state to employers. Therefore, a radical response to restitution from the state to the Mapuche people has not happened so far, it seems to not be feasible for national economic development.



Some knots symbolic and material

As stated Gabriel Salazar, National History Prize, in an interview published in April 2008 in the newspaper El Clarín, "since the mid-nineteenth century, there is a time of occupation Araucanía that lasted almost a hundred years (...), occupation of the territory accompanied capitalist by a very strong military presence, with construction of schools, with the installation of the base of the state. Occupation was a very systematic and very needed by the fact that Chile needed to expand its agricultural frontier (...) This stage of one hundred years of strong cultural pressure of "chilenization" of the Araucania, led to some success for the next generation tended to identified with Chile. Mapuche language is lost, the mapugundún, young people begin to change and Chileanised their surnames, there is a huge migration of Mapuche in Santiago, most integrated into the industrial economy, particularly bakeries. There was a chilenization very powerful that lasts until the 60 and 70, even to the period of the UP (...) However, for reasons still unknown to me, something happens, I get the impression that the military presence during the Pinochet dictatorship, which do remember what was the English conquest and military occupation of the Araucanía, do not know, but the fact is that there is a revival of the Mapuche culture in youth, including youth who are studying in Santiago. There is a conversion to the Mapuche identity, recovery in the Mapuche language of the Mapuche surnames, which is very significant and occurs in the 80's and 90's. "

Salazar's argument can be supplemented with which he was the representative in Chile of Indigenous World Association in 2001, Rosamel Millaman Reinao respect to "the prevailing indigenismo in Chile during the nineteenth and twentieth century building a political and academic discourse in which the hero appears as indigenous (s ) mythic (s) in literature and social life in Chile. Indigenous revive the dead and petrified the Indian vivo, allowing germination of two tendencies in Indian politics: on the one hand, preservation of culture, and, secondly, indigenous integration into the national system. Though different in form, both tended to annihilate the indigenous culture has to amputate the ability of actor and manager in making their own decisions. " Ending

dictatorship and during the nineties, was the young who led the revival of the struggle for the rights of the Mapuche people. With the increase in the late nineties and during the decade of conflict (product, first, the failure of state commitments entered into during the 90 and Law and Indigenous Law 19253, passed by Congress in 1993 with many important modifications to the original project) and its expressions, marches, hunger strikes, blockades, attacks on private property, "the problem has diversified protests in public investment projects and / or private ancestral land re-occupations of land taken from them, logging, clashes between villagers and armed forces of the State and private, loss of confidence in the government and indigenous institutions to generate policies. Thus, these facts have led to an embarrassing government has vacillated between positions open to dialogue and those who have been criminalized, first, through the Homeland Security Act of State and subsequently the Terrorism Act.

so far has been the CONADI the agency responsible for promoting, coordinating and implementing action by the State to encourage the development of the indigenous people (Article 39 indigenous law), through the realization of public policies and programs. Despite the current breakdown between the agency and indigenous communities and the various decisions increasingly distanced from the view of the Mapuche communities, it is necessary to recognize the positive action the corporation had, in its initial stage, compared to destination of 75 000 hectares of land for Indians between 1994 and 1997, support economic development initiatives and cultural development through the Development Fund and the installation of three areas of indigenous development (ADI), two of them in Mapuche territory, and resources for implementation. However, to date, the resources handled by the corporation are fully insufficient, both for the recovery of land, as the magnitude and diversity of problems faced by indigenous peoples in Chile, including the Mapuche, and the ineffectiveness of development programs address the backlog of material and immaterial needs of the communities.
Another situation that should be mentioned as a hub of this conflict is the contradiction that arose between the work of the State, in relation to his duties with the communities, CONADI, where land reclamation work and the support the government Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle gave the expansion of non-Indian investment projects in the historical territory of the Mapuche people, generating ownership by non-indigenous mineral and forest resources, water and other natural resources of the area, with consequent environmental degradation and soil-and development projects promoted by the Ministry of Public Works.

As stated José Aylwin, a researcher at the Institute of Indigenous Studies at the Universidad de la Frontera and co-director of the Centre City, in his article The conflicts in the Mapuche territory: Background and Prospects, "in spite of the obligations under Article 1 Clause 3 of the Act provides for the State, the Frei government in a manner consistent with its economic policy and its aim of integrating markets Chile international, not only allowed but encouraged productive investment and infrastructure, public and private, the ancestral territories of indigenous peoples. " The situation during subsequent governments has not changed, intensifying the conflict and police and judicial repression, on par with the insufficient measures to address the key demands.

Although applications today have various Mapuche communities are sometimes mixed together, all radically different from those made at the beginning of the 90. As suggested by Aylwin in the same article, "a lawsuit centered on the rights of Mapuche land and participation in of the state apparatus in the resolution of their affairs, has gone to one focused on the recognition of indigenous territories today denied in the country, as well as the right to an autonomous political and cultural development within those territories. " This development would include the questioning is being done today to indigenous participation in CONADI, "space-view of Aylwin-answer ultimately to the Government and non-indigenous people that comprise its National Council, as demonstrated in recent years. "



arguments and interests
Undoubtedly, the conflict in the region of Araucanía has increased as the lobbying of the Government and the current owners of the historic lands have led to clashes between villagers and police, with the known fatalities (the last just over two months), wounded all ages, raids, prisoners and assemblies.
From 1999 onwards, governments have sought consensus for new strategies to address the growing complexity of the conflict. Towards the end of the period of Frei Ruiz-Tagle, stood the Advisory Commission for Indigenous Development issues, and the Mapuche people subscribed to the Pact government respect for citizens, promising constitutional recognition indigenous peoples and the ratification of ILO Convention 169, ratified pending since 1991 and just over a month. Advanced
the first decade of 2000, government support for investment projects in the area was maintained, but with a low profile, following the breakdown of participation rights and territory claimed by the Indians, and the criminalization towards the occupation land or other actions as a strategy from the Ministry of Interior, facing the tough demands of the Timber Corporation (Corma) has made the state from late afternoon, with the intention of ensuring the rule of law, threatened by actions of terrorism rural "and even demanding the implementation of the Homeland Security Act of the State to these facts.
can say that the Chilean government has defended these private investments not only the allegations against the Mapuche people, but contrary to one's rights under Indian law in force. "In fact" says Aylwin in the text below-the realization of hydropower and road projects have been in breach of the protection that section 13 paragraph one of the indigenous law grants indigenous lands for national interests demand it. " In this sense, the responsibility the State has not only economic development, but the Mapuche culture, has been affected by these investments, given that "statistics show in the sectors that these investments are, migration does not diminish but increase, and the poverty of the population remains "said Aylwin.

For its part, the Mapuche land claims are based on the fact that they belonged to the jurisdictional territory of the former chiefs longkos or in the period before the reductions, or included within the titles of grant awarded by the State and dividing by the laws in force between the twenties and the nineties, and then were appropriate by individuals, or were employed by communities (and often planted with state support) during the period of land reform, and then lost to the counter-agrarian reform period under military rule.

According to the development of Mapuche demands and the response so far has come from the state, it is necessary to give a new approach to the conflict, and not as a purely economic problem of marginalized sectors that should be "integrated" the country's production process, as proposed by the business sector, "but is rather" ethnically and culturally distinct areas that Chilean society and legal system has refused for a long time, cornered communities in their own territory under a state policy and action of individuals who benefited from it. We must recognize, "says Aylwin in the text, which exists on the part of Chilean society and the State have a historical debt to the Mapuche have not yet been settled."

However, not all researchers of the conflict is rooted in oppression. For example, the view of the historian Sergio Villalobos, author of books like "Border Relations in the Araucanía" (1982) and "Life in the Araucanía border: the myth of the Arauco War" (1995), is opposed to this idea of the Mapuche people as "etnonación" subjugated under the Chilean State. This was stated in a couple of controversial columns published in El Mercurio in 2000, which reproduced some excerpts:

"Miscegenation dominated north and south of the Bío-Bío, to the point that the historical sources century XVII indicate that only rarely, in very remote places, were pure Indians. From then until today, the euphemistically-called Araucanian, Mapuche, are not more than mestizos, although the old features are common knowledge. "

"Araucanian themselves were part of the apparatus of domination. In doing so, receiving rewards, benefits, and some honors, but what attracted them most was to enjoy the benefits of material civilization. "

"It is true that lost much of their land, used primarily for hunting and gathering, ie, poorly exploited to modern eyes, but it is also true that might be incorporated into agricultural production and livestock market, trading goods ".

(Excerpts from Araucanía: Ancient Errors, "by Sergio Villalobos. El Mercurio of Santiago, May 14, 2000)

" I have no doubt that the Araucanian mestizos sought maintain cultural traits which today are trying to give new momentum. But while not denying that the English and Chileans, despite the violence, abuse and dispossession of their lands, provided and continue providing roads, bridges, schools, missions, land reserves, security, justice and political rights, all in the egalitarian sense that characterizes the national life. "

"... The dominant culture is aiding and abetting development that, of course, be based on the willingness and enthusiasm of the favored. But the spot, nor state or its own laws, autonomy and different flag. Neither financial compensation by adverse judgments of justice. "

(Excerpts from "ancient roads" by Sergio Villalobos. El Mercurio of Santiago, September 3, 2000).
On the other hand, some intellectuals linked to the armed forces does not see the Mapuche conflict from the perspective of José Aylwin. Lieutenant Commander Jorge Ugalde Jacques in his essay "The situation of the Mapuche in Chile and its effect on national unity", included in the Journal of the Navy in 2002, part of their analysis by considering the need to safeguard national unity based fundamental national security, so that the claims of Mapuche autonomy would represent a blow directly against this goal, which he said could generate a wave of other ethnic autonomy present, as in the northern region with the Aymara transnational. The officer also considered essential to maintain the guarantees to entrepreneurs and owners in the area, to ensure investment and development.
On the other hand, is concerned about the "systematic and consistent action from international agencies and ideological groups that provide sufficient resources to encourage conflict and believes that the adoption of ILO Convention 169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples is a factor risk to national unity.
Near vision is that of political scientist, Ph.D. in Latin American Studies and research and university teaching and Bernardo O'Higgins Central, Cristian Leyton Salas, to the violent conflict that some Mapuche groups directly threatens the stability and national security, since through strategy of adding fans to the cause through victimization and the sense of a war by the state, they can get more active support of the masses of citizens. As stated in an article in the online edition of newspaper La Tercera, 31 July this year, "the Chilean State should be cautious in treating this type of problem. Only efficient and effective means of intelligence should allow them to neutralize, and above all do not fall into the game or policialización militarization of the area. Avoid generating a feeling of general repression on the population is central to the effort to weaken the movement and groups that support and generate violence in the south under the shield of defense of the interests of a majority of the Mapuche population, so far, just watch the events. "
For a number of Mapuche organizations these comments are nothing new, they would follow the logistics strategies of the armed forces during the dictatorship and the mode of operation awaiting democracy social movements, ie the path of institutional dialogue, which eliminates the differences between those who are in a direct and explicit conflict with the state and those that only claim needs and specific reforms, as the case of environmental or cultural sectors.
However, other researchers such as Eduardo Mella Seguel, author of "The Mapuche face of injustice: the criminalization of indigenous protest in Chile" (2007), "the criminalization by the prosecution of Mapuche demand activities is a formula used by the State and private interests to prevail over the interests of indigenous peoples ancestral. " It also believes that while the use of violence in a democracy is not legitimate, nor is the fact that recourse to the Terrorism Act to punish violence Mapuche, especially when "there is no belief as to the authorship that fits Mapuche defendants on the facts alleged against him. " Mella noted that the current legal framework allows the State to increase in varying degrees of conviction and even suspend procedural safeguards to ensure due process for defendants and complains that it has "reduced the conflict to a purely judicial, whose most immediate effect has been stigmatization of the Mapuche, who has been accused of being the aggressor, and terrorist violence (...) This situation has been intensified with the implementation of the Criminal Procedure Reform in the Araucanía Region from December 2000. " Knots
current Mapuche conflict
ILO Convention 169
After 17 years of waiting until mid-September 2009 was ratified in Parliament on ILO Convention 169, which refers to indigenous and tribal peoples.
This agreement is different scopes for all indigenous peoples recognized in our country. In a legal sense, for example, incorporates a new category: the collective right, ie a set of people as if they were one, as they are all part of a single subject of law. This category represents a jolt to the theoretical heritage contractarian and liberal legal input into the Western world, including Chile, founded in the social contract and the autonomous individual, but by hegemony must be assumed to be correct.
In a practical sense and addressing the main concerns of his detractors, the recognition of the autonomy of a people, referred to in the agreement does not directly involve its independence, the national separation, but the recognition of multiculturalism in the context of the national state which so far has been denied by an ethnocentric and ethnocidal part of Chilean society through their representatives. Moreover, Article 6 and 7 refer to the need to consult the representative institutions of indigenous peoples to any legal or administrative initiatives affecting them. However, no explicit that States should ignore these opinions, only consult.
This last fact led the first debate between the Bachelet government and the Mapuche people once ratified the convention since the Sept. 28, the same day the agreement went into effect, the Executive, through the Minister Secretary General the Chair and coordinator of the Indigenous Affairs Minister Jose Antonio Viera Gallo, sent to the legislature with great two emergency bills to set the new indigenous institutions. That day, the minister told the press that projects aimed at restructuring the Conadi, ending their dependence on Mideplan, the creation of a new indigenous institutions, details of which would be delivered by the President, and the creation of the Council of Peoples Indigenous, which follows the model exists in Australia, consultative and decisive, composed of 44 members from eight ethnic groups.
This situation was taken by indigenous communities as a violation of Convention 169 and a breach of the recommendations of UN Special Rapporteur, James Anaya, as referred to prior consultation with appropriate procedures and in particular through their representative institutions, whenever consideration is being given to legislative or administrative measures which may affect them directly (Article 6) and "the importance of ensuring that the mechanisms for dialogue between states and indigenous peoples to facilitate the full exercise of the rights and powers they hold each indigenous peoples and communities, in accordance with their own representative institutions. "
Mapuche organizations in late September reported that "while the government cynically welcomed the coming into force of ILO Convention 169 on indigenous peoples, quietly entered the Comptroller General of the Republic a regulation to limit queries to native who set the new rules. " According to most reports in the digital portal of Radio Universidad de Chile, "the" rule "limits the agreement which clearly states that consultations must be binding and also include all public bodies, including municipalities. However, the articles he joined the executive said that the consultation is not binding, ie have no effect on the ultimate purpose of developing projects in indigenous areas, and also leaves out the municipalities, which in the opinion of Senator Alexander Navarro is a concern, he lodged with leaders of indigenous peoples to avoid a letter to be certified by the comptroller, Ramiro Mendoza. "
Beyond the ratification of Convention 169, the controversy over it does not end with its implementation. According to José Aylwin, "human rights recognized in international treaties ratified by Chile are integrated into the Constitution (...) Accordingly, any legislation that contradicts the ILO Convention 169 should be repealed impliedly." On the other hand, he notes, the Agreement conflicts with the interests of investors in the area, as "states that people have the right the use, management and conservation of natural resources that are on their land. Specifically regarding subsoil resources establishes the right of consultation prior to the exploration and exploitation, participation in the benefits of such activities and compensation for the damage. " Under Aylwin, "has been a fairly straightforward action-business world-wide legislation to prevent the ratification of the 169 and to prevent their application affects their initiatives on indigenous lands." Also, regarding the main obstacles to fulfilling the agreement , said "the Constitutional Court (TC) noted, for example, that indigenous peoples' participation in the plans and programs that affect them should not be binding, and that the rights of ownership over lands, territories and natural resources can not be seen as violating the property rights established in the Constitution. He said that any involvement of the constitutional rights reforms required quorum. If the agreement took 17 years to be ratified by Congress, the amendment of that legislation under the binomial system, it may take another 17 years. It is untenable to think of this delay when we consider the evident increase in the conflicts generated by investment projects indigenous lands and territories. "
Human Rights and political imprisonment
On another front, the Chilean state has been questioned on several occasions in recent times by the repressive action against the demands of indigenous peoples. As of early May, during the Convention against Torture of the UN, various NGOs reported an increase in police violence and the powers of the Military Justice in cases of abuse of detainees and called to cancel the amnesty law (1978) cases of abuse occurred during the Pinochet dictatorship.
In late September, Ambassador Carlos Portales, denied before the Human Rights Council of the UN that the country has used abused its anti-terrorism law to the detriment of the Mapuche community. "Democratic governments have not implemented the anti-terrorism law to demand or social demands of the indigenous population (...) between 1999 and 2009, this special law has been invoked in only 16 cases on only two occasions (...) (...) people of Indian origin, "he said in his address to the diplomat, as shown by the online newspaper The desk on September 24. On occasion, the government's position was harshly criticized and refuted by national and international NGOs international.
regard, it is enlightening to a report developed by Lucía Sepúlveda Ruiz, of the Ethics Commission Against Torture, in coordination with communities, lawyers, media networks and Mapuche, and published a couple of days before the UN meeting in which reports of the existence of "43 cases of actual imprisonment present in 34 of which the courts have applied the Patriot Act inherited from the dictatorship, at the request of the government. To this are added 16 recent cases of arrests (per hour) of minors and / or school. In total, 57 Mapuche convicted and / or defendants who are on probation, subject to precautionary measures of various kinds. Of the three women held in prison, one suffers from terminal cancer, other 3 are affected by precautionary measures. "The report also refers to other irregular situations "that hinder the right to due process, arising from the implementation of the antiterrorism law (secret witnesses) and above all, within the jurisdiction of military justice." On the other hand, argues that "there are detainees who were transferred away from their families, whose rights are being violated. Lawyers are held for months without access to research and without knowing the names of witnesses, and when they do, they can not make the information public. Several detainees are processed by the civil courts and military courts for the same alleged crime. " It also states that "many Mapuche have access only public defenders have sometimes colluded with prosecutors, and other opportunities are overloaded with cases without being able to address them fully. The precautionary measures for "preventive detention" operate as true sentences early, to extend more than eight or nine months of operating as a new form of control of social movements. " In the document, you can also find the complete list of Mapuche political prisoners in September 2009 and the current state of their processes.





Framework for the interpretation and practice
repressive violence in the Araucanía State is not an anomalous but a face of the systematic violence that capitalism starts to exist and reproduce normally. It's the same violence that began expressing 5 centuries ago in Europe as an expropriation of the fields and mass incarceration of ex-farmers, and the same day that kills 30,000 people, mostly children, from starvation and curable diseases.

violence originating in the capital is better understood if we realize the artificiality and historically recent expropriation of land by the capitalists, and the gradual imposition of modern slavery from employment to an increasing proportion of human beings human: that is the essential feature of this system. The violent imposition of capitalist social relations, reproduced day after day by the obligation to work or starve, is what defines capitalism as an enemy, as acts of denial in practice by asserting here and now of communism ( that Marx is "the real movement which abolishes the existing conditions, and that we can not but be anti-state).

Although the creation of a working class in the primitive accumulation of capital was first massively in Western Europe, expanding at the periphery of world capitalism is in the imposition bloody work. But in both the center and in the colonies, this taxation was not always easy or stable, and in many places the capitalist social relation was not imposed because the communities never resisted. Therefore, the ruling classes of our continent have devoted several centuries to the practice of genocide, extermination of whole communities when they did not adapt, they are not directly served to be exploited, or if you dare to refuse to work. And so, do not like talking about "Mapuche conflict", because they want to believe that capitalism was always, but the Indians remember reading them and to us that this was not always so.

early as 1844 Marx said that "as soon cease to exist any physical coercion or otherwise, work is shunned like the plague they flee. " Therefore, the "Indians" remind us that it is possible revolt, and that rebellion, which never stopped, now expressed in the world and is given by the new proletariat of global capitalism.

Chilean State action against the Mapuche people corresponds to its class nature, while the positive denial that the Indians are against this social order, must be understood in terms of class struggle, as its constitution in force ruling class, to abolish wage labor and capital and therefore all classes and State, and positively refusing as a class.







brief final thoughts
The Chilean state has shown ambiguous about the possibility of a final solution Mapuche communities, caring for their relationship with national and transnational business. But this is not unusual considering their interests. The police power is subject to the attitude of the ruling bloc, not only confirms its effectiveness as an army to serve the powerful.
The continued repression in the region of Araucanía, wounded and traumatized kids in front of the raids, prisoners and assemblies, the presence of groups right-wing paramilitaries, as Hernán Trizzano Command, the complicated legal situation of dozens of indigenous people, incomplete information or deliberately malicious communication, all elements that denote the degree of uncertainty surrounding the conflict and radicalization augur already in progress for certain groups affected.

Moreover, the State no longer enjoys the confidence of communities. His performance has not considered strategically coordinating with the Mapuche and the new institutional framework is to approve it at its source the seeds of its destruction.

The solution to the conflict within the framework of bourgeois rule of law would ethnic recognition for some it is shameful to national identity. If current address the requests of the Mapuche people can see the difference with those that existed years ago. The needs are transformed as the movement matures in reflection and action and so, today, a lawsuit revolved around land rights and participation within the state apparatus in resolving their issues, today we have a central shaft in the recognition of indigenous territories today denied in the country, as well as the right to an autonomous political and cultural development within their territories
Therefore, the only way to achieve an understanding between the parties and their subsequent specific resolution is to address not only economic as a problem on the attachment to the labor of the indigenous population, but these sectors differ ethnically and culturally, giving them the degree of independence denied by the legal system since his arrival, quickly returning the expropriated land and allowing the consolidation of a cultural universe violently trampled for the benefit of state and private interests.




digital bibliography consulted


José Aylwin. "The conflicts in the Mapuche territory: history and prospects. HREF: http://www2.estudiosindigenas.cl/trabajados/Aylwin.pdf
Rodrigo Lillo. "ILO Convention 169. Towards a recognition of diversity. " HREF: http://www2.estudiosindigenas.cl/trabajados/El% 20convenio% 20169% 20of% 20the% 20OIT_lillo.pdf

AP articles consulted
Guerrilla. "All against all: the Mapuche conflict seen from the state security apparatus. HREF: http://www.columnanegra.org/?p=1498
Lucía Sepúlveda Ruiz. "One hundred political prisoners on the verge of the bicentennial." HREF: http://www.elclarin.cl/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=18418&Itemid=5786
Rodolfo Herranz. "Conflict in the Araucanía: Views from history and sociology." Library of Congress. HREF: http://www.bcn.cl/carpeta_temas_profundidad/conflicto-en-la-araucania-visiones-desde-la-historia-y-la-sociologia/ # jose-Bengoa-and-the-origin-of-the -201codios-primordiales201d
Cristián Leyton Salas. "Enlisment strategy." Diario La Tercera. HREF: http://blog.latercera.com/blog/cleyton/entry/conflicto_mapuche_la_estrategia_del
Rosamel Millaman Reinao. "The Chilean State and the Mapuche people." HREF: Dennis Salazar
http://www.mapuche-nation.org/espanol/html/articulos/art-12.htm Ñirril. "History Untold. " HREF: http://www.elciudadano.cl/2006/01/28/la-historia-no-contada/
José Aylwin. "The consultation should be binding." Interview with José Aylwin in Diario La Nacion. September 16, 2009. HREF: http://www.lanacion.cl/jose-aylwin-consulta-debe-ser-vinculante/noticias/2009-09-16/004403.html

Websites consulted
www.mapuexpress.net
www.hommodolars org. www.elmostrador.cl

www.radio.uchile.cl